Myanmar And Its Neighbours History Essay

Myanmar And Its Neighbours History Essay Myanmar is one of the few countries in Asia which has reserved interest in what happens outside its border. This is often reflected in the countrys external relations policy. Perception of outside threat to her national security and sovereignty made Myanmar play an independent but inactive role in external affairs. Historically, though Myanmars immediate neighbours were tortured by strong kings of Myanmar in different period of history, Myanmar also suffered in the hands of the neighbouring kingdoms. Thus, the people of Myanmar have general fear and indifferent psychosis towards outside world. This is closely related to nationalism, xenophobia and insular habits. From geographical standpoint also, Myanmar has favourable physical structure and geo-strategic position that has a lot to hide from the outside world. It has been mentioned in the second chapter that Myanmar is surrounded by mountains on three sides and by sea on the forth (south), which do not provide easy access to inside Myanmar. Myanmar was also situated in a vulnerable geo-strategic location with India and China between which Myanmar is sandwiched; and between contending cold war sphere of influence represented by Communist China and pro-western Thailand, Myanmar stood huddled. During the heyday of cold war, Southeast Asian region became a hotspot of the global power politics with many countries of the region taking side either with the western bloc headed by United States of America or the eastern bloc under the erstwhile Soviet Union. But Myanmar tended to look inward in the name of maintaining sovereignty and independent action. This is reflected in the foreign policy of the country as evolved, first as policy of neutralism and nonalignment under U Nu, and second, as policy of isolation under Ne Win, until it adopted policy of opportunistic engagement with the world outside particularly since late 1988. The parliamentary democracy era of 1950s avoided active international engagement in pursuanc e of non-aligned policy. The establishment of military rule in March 1962 brought Myanmars nonalignment and neutral ideology into a strong xenophobic and paranoid nationalism, clearly aimed at reducing any foreign influence on Myanmars politics, economy and society. Only international engagement beneficial to militarys perceived ideology and interest was allowed. In response to the military regimes monopoly of power and adverse human right records, many liberal democratic countries of the west imposed sanctions against Myanmar, and ostracised the country. In the meantime, global geo-political shifts occurred with the end of cold war in early 1990s following the disintegration of erstwhile Soviet Union. Geo-economics rather than geo-politics gained greater credence in the changed international environment. Economic integration and regionalism ushered in with globalization as the thriving force. Internally, the crisis of 1988 necessitate shift in the country internal politics and appr oaches to external countries. Accordingly, Myanmar made adjustment in response to changes in domestic and external environment. With western liberal democratic countries still following policy anti-thetical to the militarys ideology, Myanmar focussed to its immediate neighbours and region. While the western countries used sanction policy, neighbouring Asian governments followed a policy of constructive engagement. In doing so, they have filled much of the international political and economic vacuum in Myanmar, giving the military leaders to pursue its self-proclaimed political road-map. This chapter is structured to highlight Myanmars foreign policy, the status of Myanmar in the world community, the countrys government-to-government relationship and relative integration with the world community, especially focussing its relationship with its three important neighbours namely China, Thailand and India. It will be conducted in three phases: period of neutrality and non-alignment under parliamentary democracy, period of isolationism under Ne Win and the period of engagement aftermath 1988. This chapter shows that Myanmars isolationism in external front is a necessary corollary of its domestic political setting. This chapter proves that Myanmars retreat from world of nations is premised on fear, security, non-interference, national interest, sovereignty and development. Though in its foreign relations, Myanmar has maintained regular relationship with all countries, in practice; Myanmar discourages the relationship between its people and those of other countries, so much so that it is like closing the country from the outside world and acts like a hermit of Asia. This chapter also deals with how domestic political-economic changes since 1988 have affected its external affairs policy. This chapter will show that Myanmars foreign policy and status in the international community was characterised by varying degrees of isolation, in response to its internal political setting and global political scenario. International isolationism became a comfortable state of the isolationist political system under the military leaders to deny the attention of the foreign powers as to what happen inside the borders of the country. From the militarys angle, international isolation was in pursuance of a strong, cohesive and developed Myanmar the basis of which was to ensure the military continue to stay in power until acceptable time had emerged to vacate seat of power. As the goal suggest, it will be shown in this chapter that Myanmar opens to outside world only it wo uld serve its highly self-centred interests. Myanmars direct neighbours are often forced to undergo a difficult balancing act. Myanmar in International Context One fact of the pre-colonial Myanmar was that the Burmans were generally indifferent towards foreigners. Historically, Myanmars political and military ties with the outside world had feared the country. The Thais, Manipuris, Chinese or Europeans provided ill-experience of dealing with outsiders. The Myanmese never accepted the British presence in Myanmar; they saw the British institutions and practices had undermined the Burman culture. Myanmars ill with the outsider strengthened during the World War Two, when its ties with the British made it a Japanese target. The resulting oppression and destruction during the World War Two left Myanmar even more apathetic to outsiders. With such fear psychosis, Myanmar became independent in 1948, also with new hopes and vigour. But the period coincided with the onset of cold war, where the world was divided into two rival camps headed by United States on the one hand, and Soviet Union, on the other, and most of the lesser powerful states followin g them. Two traditional rivals, China, a communist country in the north, and Thailand, a pro-western ally to the east, were allegedly expressed sympathy for Myanmars anti-government rebels and insurgents in the border areas. Very differently from them, Indian, a non-aligned partner under the leadership of prime minister U Nus close friend Jawaharlal Nehru, had been emerging as a distinct force in the world. This situation was well commented by U Nu in 1950. U Nu lamented his country as ..like a tender gourd among the cactus. We cannot move an inch. If we act irresponsiblyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦and thrust the Union of Burma into the arms of one bloc, the other bloc will not be contented to look on with folded arms (U Nu, 5 September 1950 quoted by Thomson 1957:266 ). Back home, ethnic and political disunity erupted into rebellion and the ever increasing economic deterioration greatly disrupted legitimacy of the government and stability of the country. The new external and domestic challenges made materializing Aung Sans world-view difficult.  [1]  In response to the challenges, the new countrys leaders adopted neutralism and non-alignment as the cornerstone of the foreign policy of the country. At the same time, as Choudhary (2000:423) mentions, Myanmar also accepted the principles of maintaining friendly relations with all countries especially with her neighbours without being engaged too closely with any one of them, and of receiving no economic aid with string attached. Commenting on the genesis of Myanmars neutralism in dealing with outside world, Silverstein (1977:169) concludes: The policy of neutralism was based on certain realities that imposed themselves on either a civilian (before 1962) or a military (after 1962) Burmese government. Among them were Burmas small memories of World War Two and the suffering and destruction inflicted upon its people and the land; its internal political instability; and its ethnic and political disunity. These were superimpos ed on Myanmars traditional withdrawing and isolationist attitude and influence of personality of U Nu (Bandyopadhaya 1983:152), the first prime minister of independent Myanmar.  [2]  These factors, among others, shaped Myanmars world-view, that Myanmar would be a neutral and non-aligned country in an effort to maintain friendship with all countries in the world. Myanmar joined United Nations and it became a leading voice and founder-leader of the non-alignment movement, organizing the 1955 Bandung Conference in Indonesia along with like-minded leaders such as Nehru, Nasser, Tito and Sukarno; Myanmar also attended the first NAM summit held in 1961as the movements founder member. The foreign policy of Myanmar also sought a delicate balancing role between USA and USSR, and between India and China. India served as a model for Myanmars neutralism, non-alignment and democracy, but it never allied itself too closely with India, which could have upset its relations with China (Lintner 1 992). Thus, Myanmar became the first non-communist country to recognise the new government of the Peoples Republic of China in 1949 (Seekins 1983:54). When it feared its neutral policy would cease if it had joined the British Commonwealth of Nations, it wisely declined to join the body of former British colonies. Myanmar wanted to sever all ties with the outside world provided if it did not serve its interest, and if it proved against the principle of neutralism and non-alignment. Myanmars neutralism and non-aligned policy was first tested in the Korean Crisis of 1950. Myanmar voiced U Nus call for a halt to North Koreas aggression against the South Korea. When the United Nations forces crossed the 38th parallel, Myanmar withdrew its support on the belief that UN had overstepped its original mandate. In several other international issues such as Russian intervention in Hungary in 1956, Egypt crisis in 1956, Cuban crisis in 1961 etc. Myanmar did not followed big power line. Myanmar became a member of the Colombo Plan, but it refused to join SEATO founded in September 1954. Amidst hesitations, Myanmar received aid from both the US and USSR throughout the cold war period. The USSR offered specific gifts of a hospital, hotel and technological institutions, while US funds off and on after 1951 for agricultural and land reclamation projects. The government of U Nu tried to befriend with both India and China through his personal link with their respective leaders nam ely Nehru and Chou-en-Lai. In other words, throughout the parliamentary democracy period, Myanmar gained respect internationally by managing to live alongside large and powerful neighbours without compromising its independent foreign policy (Lintner 1992). It, thus, became one of the most respected leading governments in the region and its neutralism was much appreciated by western chanceries. The is proved by the fact that Myanmars U Thant was appointed, first, as the acting Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1961, and, later, twice elected to the position. U Thant led the world body for the next ten years. When the military rule took over power in March 1962  [3]  neutralism of the era of parliamentary democracy became isolationism and non-involvement or negative neutralism (Maung Maung Gyi 1981). Ne Wins Revolutionary Council followed an ideology called the Burmese Way to Socialism, mixed with a strong xenophobia and nationalistic policy, and corollary to it, Myanmar withdrew from international community, shunning most of the diplomatic ties established during U Nus period. Ne Win heading the new military regime exhibited deep-seated antagonism towards the west and its support for Kuomintang (KMT) troops in Myanmar, distrusted India, and feared Chinese communist influence in the country (Turku 2009:124). Contact with the outside world was kept to an absolute minimum. The military denied joining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations when it was formed in 1967 and even stunningly left the NAM in 1979, considering these organizations not neutral. Soon after coming to power, the Revolutionary Council enacted several laws clearly aimed at reducing any foreign influences over Myanmars economy and society. The government announced that it preferred only government to government aid of bilateral and multi-lateral programmes (Holmes 1967:189), and discontinued acceptance of aid from the American philanthropic organizations, the Ford and Asia Foundations, and also the Fulbright British Council programmes, as the military considered it belittling to accept aid from private organizations (Silverstein 1964:167). Freedom of press was denied and the government also acted forcefully to curb propaganda and information activities of all foreign diplomatic missions (Holmes 1967:189), thus denied people to deal directly with the outside world. Foreign diplomats and party officials (BSPP officials) were also subject to very strict set of rules (Turku 2009:192). If the party official sought to speak to a foreign national or issue/accept an invi tation from a foreigner they had to seek specific permission from the party, and upon return they had to give specific details on the conversations they had with foreigners (ibid.) The nationalisation programmes launched in February 1963 by the military government directly affected the Indians, Chinese, Anglo-Myanmese and Western agricultural, trade and banking communities, most of them were force to flee the country. The effort was indigenization of the economy by placing the private foreign owned enterprises in the hands of the people of Myanmar. Cynics argued that Myanmars new foreign policy basically meant no foreign policy at all apart from the concept of group survival; its embassies and consulates abroad did very little to improve relations with the host countries (Lintner 1992). Officially, the dictum friendship with all the countries of the world still remained a cornerstone of Myanmars foreign policy, but in practice, the country did not take any positive interest in furth ering friendly relations with other nations, except few (Singh 1977:181). As Lintner (1992) argues Myanmar under the military rule invented an intensely new dogma in foreign relations, that is, bilateralism, and preferably only with neighbours. General Ne Win made few official visits to Moscow, Peking and Washington, but few meaningful outcomes could be seen from the visits. For example, Ne Wins visit to USA in September 1966 related to some business affairs, military support for its anti-communist military campaign and to play golf. There were no real diplomatic ties and this diplomatic vacuum was well commented by one-Rangon (Yangon) based foreign envoy in 1988: We had no meaningful contact with any element of the Burmese government. They had a designated group of foreign ministry types who could come to our dinners and talk about golf and tennis, the weather and what fruits were in seasonduring my first three months in Burma, my backhand improved immensely, and I even took up the game of golf, which I had thought was just a waste of time. But I had time to waste (quoted in Lintner 1992, also see Lintner 1990:60-61). Under the leadership of the Ne Win, Myanmars military government sank into deep isolation. At the same time, because it had denied the economic benefits of engaging with other countries, and also since the military leaders lacked knowledge of managing economic affairs, the country gradually encountered economic recession. In response, the BSPP government showed inclination to international development assistance and projected its vast mineral wealth opportunities to the outside world. The government entered into development programmes with the World Bank, the IMF, the ADB and UNDP, as well as accepted increased bilateral aids. In 1976, World Bank set up an aid consortium, including Britain, the United States, Japan, Germany, France, Australia and Canada for consultation and the establishment of a common policy regarding Myanmar (Charney 2009:145 ).The BSPP regime also softened its state-controlled and autarchic economic policy, and by mid 1980s, foreign aids and loans began to enter Myanmar. Although Japan and West Germany were the largest of the foreign aid donors, the Peoples Republic of China also emerged as a major source of loans to the country from 1970 (ibid.). However, the inflow of foreign loans also led to corresponding increase in long-term debt, producing a critical state of indebtedness by the mid 1980s. This together with internal political isolation and economic mismanagement produced socio-economic devastations forcing Myanmar to become one of the least developed countries in 1987. This shocked the proud and highly nationalistic people of Myanmar. It spurred the 1988 protests attracting the greatest international interest into the countrys political and economic situations. The brutal crackdown and suppression of the protest by the military junta was swiftly publicised in the international community and even tually western governments imposed sanctions to Myanmar. Many western governments including Japan, non-governmental organizations and business bodies ended operations in Myanmar. Immediately after the crackdown, US withdrew its ambassador from Myanmar. Sanctions by United States were formally enacted in 1997, which was further tightened after 2007, following the crackdown on the monks protest, until it was uplifted recently in 2012.  [4]  Some businesses such as Ciz Claiborne, Osh Kosh BGosh and Pepsi (which was a joint venture with a native businessman) ended operations in Myanmar due to pressure from American-based activists. Contrary to western governments, most of Myanmars neighbouring countries adopted policy of constructive engagement and as mentioned, in doing so they followed much of the vacuum created by international isolation of Myanmar. The country had normalised relationships with two neighbouring powers, China and India (see later), by skilfully exploiting the oppo rtunistic intention of the two countries. Thailand was also captured by the economic prospects which engagement with Myanmar could provide. Following these events, Myanmar made changes to its external relation positions. It gave up its strict non-aligned neutralism  [5]  and isolationism and joined the regional GMS-EC (1992), BIMSTEC (1997), ASEAN (1997) and ACMCES (2003). Myanmar joining ASEAN in 1997 had greatly enhanced the credibility of the legitimacy hungry military government, because the ASEAN, citing their doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of the member countries rallied to the Myanmar governments defence. All these indicate government of Myanmar willing to integrate with the world community, but as evident, it could be when it could provide more benefit to the country. The military regime undoubtedly preferred no foreign attention and involvement in its affairs. For example in 2005, the ruling military government SPDC shifted capital of the country f rom Yangon to a more reclusive region Naypyitaw where influence of outsiders would be so profound. Similarly, aftermath of cyclone Nargis 2008, Myanmar thought a long before letting in any humanitarian and relief aids to the affected people, and when it was allowed, the aid agencies and countries were often obstructed by the military. Moreover, preference was given to neighbours over the western countries. For the last six decades, Myanmar has lived in varying degree of isolationism and opportunistic engagement. During the period of strict isolationism, Myanmar maintained diplomatic relationship with all the countries; it discourages relationship between its people and those of other countries, to such an extent that it is like closing the country from the outside world and acts like a hermit of Asia. The military junta certainly not liked foreign attention and involvement in its internal affairs. Myanmar is interested in foreign aids and loans, external trade and investments, but it did not preferred to abandon its policy of isolation. The pro-democracy uprising of 1988 divided international communitys perception on Myanmar. The western role with regards to Myanmar had long been policy of sanction and isolation, which proved counter-productive. The western countries such as USA, countries of European Union, France, Australia and Asian country-Japan and South Korea, imposed sanctions o n Myanmar thus supplemented Myanmars policy of isolation. Myanmar juntas poor human right record and denial of democracy invited western ostracism. Certainly, the sudden international isolation and sanction policy hampered Myanmars economy badly, and this prompted Myanmars attention and open policy towards its immediate neighbours. The immediate neighbours of Myanmar have acted as a balancing act for the military junta. Myanmar and China China is the largest, the most powerful and practically the nearest of Myanmars neighbours. Historically, Myanmar experienced memory of fear, distrust and entrenched relationship in relation to its northern neighbour. In different periods of history, China posed a threat to the security and sovereignty of the monarchical Myanmar. Many strong Chinese dynasties had intervened in Myanmar kings affairs in different periods of history and caused considerable havoc. Kublai Khan sent armies from Yunnan in late 1980 to subjugate the kingdom of Pagan, effectively bringing to an end the first unified Burman kingdom (Seekins 1997:527). The last king of the Pagan dynasty, king Narathitrapate, earned the nickname Tarok Pye Min, meaning the king who ran away from the Chinese (Trager 1966:234). Chinese had invaded Myanmar during the Chinese Qing dynasty. It was an important event in the history of Myanmar that when Chinese Qing king launched several mission to subdue the arrogant Myanmar king betwe en 1765 and 1768, Chinese professional armies was utterly outfought and its viceroy was forced to sue for peace (Tinker 1967:338). Professor Yingcong Dai (2004) writes, not only did one after another commander-in-chief of the Qing dynasty fail to conquer Myanmar, but the Qing troops also suffered extremely heavy casualties. When Myanmar was incorporated into British Indian Empire, China adopted a cautious attitude in dealing with Myanmar. Myanmar became an independent country in 1948. Next year, the civil war in China had ended with victory of the communist over the nationalist Chinese. China became a communist country under the leadership of Mao Zedong, which was given official recognition by the Myanmar authority. In fact, Myanmar became the first non-communist country to give recognition to the Peoples Republic of China (PRC).  [6]  However, in a world divided by ideological and power competitions, Myanmar adopted a policy of non-alignment and neutrality, whereas China became a staunch proponent of international communism considering all countries beyond the socialist camps as imperialist or controlled by imperialist or anti-revolutionary forces. As a result, Myanmese neutralism and non-alignment policy could not win the trust of the Chinese authority. China believed, whether in economic, military or political dimension Myanmars nature has not been changed; it is still a typical country even after its independe nce (Hongwei 2012:15). Hongwei (2007:18) cites Chinese authorities comment on Myanmars neutralism and non-alignment as follows: On one side, Burma is bordering China, and hence do not dare to side with the imperialists [the West] and make China an enemy. At the same time, when Burma is having controversies with the imperialists, they want the support of China and the Soviet Union. (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) On the other hand, the ruling class in Burma (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦) is to a relatively large degree depending on the imperialists. On occasion, the Chinese government expressed its dislike for the Myanmese leaderships alleged readiness to let the western powers (Great Britain and United States) influence over Myanmars economy and politics. For instance, on September 3, 1952, when Chou-en-Lai visited Moscow and talk with Stalin, he stated that the Myanmese government conceal its real position on China, but it actually pursued the policy of anti-China following the UK and US lead (Hongwei 2012:15). In other words, during the period 1948-1962, China was not at all excited by the idea of Myanmar being an independent country as the Chinese still considered Myanmar to be under foreign influence. Conversely, Myanmars threat perception to its national security from China did not vanished even after independence. The Chinese factor, in turn, influenced Myanmar in adopting a policy of non-alignment and neutrality in a world divided by power politics and cold war. As Thomson (1957:336) writes, fear of antagonizing China ha s also been at least partially responsible for Burmas policy of neutralism. The first factor standoff in the Myanmar-China relations in the initial years of the independence was the unauthorised occupation by the remnants of the Chinese Nationalist or Kuomintang (KMT) in Myanmars northern border. When Mao Zedong had established a communist regime in China in 1949, armed forces loyal to Chaing-Kai-Sheik, the KMT leaders, by crossing over Yunnan province established base in the eastern part of the Shan state. It is alleged that the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) supplied money and arms to the illegal KMT forces, and encouraged them to raid into communist China from Myanmars border soil (Choudhary 2000:424, Seekins 1997:527). The Myanmese authority feared that China would use this as a pretext to invade Myanmar, and occupy the unsettled border areas under the guise of the elimination of the KMT troops (Hongwei 2012:14). Myanmar also feared that China would misunderstood that it was intentionally proving shelter to the KMT remnants and supportin g Taiwan and the US anti-communist policy toward China (ibid.). Myanmars fear and distrust for China continued and as a result, Myanmar was very cautious in dealing with China. The two countries established formal diplomatic ties early in 1950s. While Myanmar attempted to deliberately avoid antagonizing China, China, in response, adopted a dual strategy. On the one side, China pursued a policy of establishing good diplomatic relationship with the government of the Union of Myanmar by establishing diplomatic ties and exchanging official visits, on the other side, it sympathized Communist rebel in Myanmar. It can be mentioned here that immediately after independence Myanmar faced severe threat to its national security from the communist rebels and ethnic insurgents. During this turbulent years of internal revolts, China extended covert sympathy in cause of the revolting communist rebels in Myanmar by endorsing party-to-party relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the White Flag Communist Party (BCP) of Myanmar led by Than Tun. The Chinese authority rendered psychological support and strategic advices to the BCP which was not liked by the Myanmese authority. So, the BCP with the support of the Chinese posed a serious threat to Myanmars national security.  [7]  This factor greatly held back the growth of a close and warmth government-to-government relations between Myanmar and China. Nevertheless, the bilateral relationship achieved significant milestone in 1954 when the Chinese Premier Chou-en-Lai visited Rangon in 1954, and with his Myanmese counterpart U NU issued a joint statement declaring the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence which henceforth acted as the basis for the Myanmar-China relationship.  [8]  The government-to-government ties were further strengthened when U NU paid back a visit to China latter in the year 1954. Not to attract communist Chinas wrath over the KMT issue, the previous year, the Myanmese authority had so ught attention and support of the United States and United Nations. In 1953, Myanmar asked the United States to cancel its aid programme to the KMT remnants, and took the question of illegal Chinese nationalist forces inside Myanmar to the United Nations (Choudhary 2000:242).  [9]  However, despite the efforts of the world body, only a partial repatriation of the Chinese nationalist troops to Taiwan was affected, and the remaining KMT soldiers settled down in the Shan state and became involved with the Myanmese ethnic and political dissents and active in the illegal opium trade (ibid.) until the forces had been uprooted in late 1980s. The more significant development between Myanmar-China relations came when the two governments had managed to reach agreement on the historical issue of border settlement in 1960. The Sino-Myanmar border treaty was signed in 1960 defining the international boundary between the two countries. The same year the two countries also signed a treaty of f riendship and mutual non-aggression which reinforced the treaty of 1954.  [10]  According to the treaty, the two parties would not invade each other and refrain from any military alliance directed against the other party. In 1961, Chinas People Liberation Army (PLA) and army of Myanmar launched joint operations against the KMT forces operating between their borders. The period before the military led By Ne Win had establish political control in Myanmar in 1962, Sino-Myanmar relation was nervously friendly. Myanmar, during this period, was very cautious not to offend PRC and courted its friendship because, unlike India, China posed potential threat to interfere in Myanmese internal affairs due to presence of KMT forces inside Myanmars northern border and also it adopted policy of export of revolution. Myanmar adopted and pursued policy of non-alignment and neutrality, and showed friendly gestures, which were largely grounded on maintaining its national security and freedom of action. The country maintained policy of neutrality during the Sino-Tibet affairs of 1950 and refused to brand China an aggressor in Korean Crisis of 1951 in United Nations meetings. But, the Chinese dual-track policy toward Myanmar continued. In 1957, U Nu spoke in Myanmars parliament that new Chinas relationship with the insurrectional BCP are not clear, but expressed some fraternal case (cited in Hongwei 2012:12). To China, Myanmars non-alignment and neutralism was not genuine, but fickle and unpredictable. Thus, though there was mutual suspicion and mistrust, the period 1949-1962 was a period of ambivalent peaceful co-existence in the bilateral relatio

Sustainable Development Essay -- Environmental Issues

Upton’s premise is a mix-use development providing the full range of dwelling types supported by economic opportunity and social infrastructure. The site was assembled through English partnerships, which were granted outline planning permission for Upton in 1997 (Community and Local Government 2007). The scheme aims to deliver 1,382 homes by its completion in 2013 (Clark 2010). Engaging the community was an important aspect of the schemes development process. In 2001, English Partnerships (EP) collaborated with Northampton Borough Council, the Prince’s Foundation and EDAW, an urban design consultancy, to establish the Upton Working Group to implement the Upton project. Several revised additions of the Upton Urban Framework Plan followed through ‘Enquiry by Design’ for the period of 2001-2002, in late 2002 Northampton Borough Council granted planning consent for the new framework (Street 2006). The multi-faceted characteristics of high-quality urban extensions are detailed in the Sustainable Urban Extensions: Planned through Design report from the Princes Foundation, focusing particularly on the quality of new housing. Paraphrased below are the proposed requirements to create a successful development indicated by the report: Here the report identifies the physical attributes of an urban extension, focussing on quality of new housing. Higher density, a mix of housing types and tenures, legible neighbourhoods, communal areas including green space and communal amenities and facilities are all observed as necessary. However, due to adverse effects of the economic downturn, Upton is yet to provide the substantial amenities as originally proposed. Consequently, residents of Upton will require transportation to obtain essential serv... ... the primary mode of movement and as a result reducing their dependence on cars. Currently streets and buildings are orientated to maximise natural lighting in buildings whilst increasing the proficiency of rooftop photovoltaic cells. Additionally, attempts have been made to ensure a strong sense of place and community identity is incorporated as a parallel to the wider sustainability strategy. The Upton Design code established and set out the standard requirements and development framework on the site. Furthermore the design code commenced open dialogue between developers and their design groups and the Upton Working Group, essentially establishing a co-operative and creative partnership. Nonetheless, building character is determined by individual developers and architects (CABE 2011), and these houses comprise of various consciously-predetermined styles.

Maalouf – Leo Africanus

Amin Maalouf’s novel Leo Africanus, a fictionalized memoir by an actual sixteenth-century Muslim adventurer, is an often-interesting account of life during the turbulent end of the Middle Ages, told from the point of view of a man who survived his life’s ample turmoil and bridged conflicting cultures without wholly belonging to any. The narrator of this work, a traveler and author known in his lifetime as Jean-Leon de Medici or Leo Africanus, was born in 1488 as Hasan al-Wazzan, son of a prominent Muslim family in Granada, Spain.   At the time, southern Spain’s Andalusia region (of which Granada was its chief city) was Muslim-dominated, with Catholics, Muslims, and Jews alike coexisting in a cosmopolitan, relatively tolerant atmosphere.   Maalouf depicts Granada as an intriguing, exotic, tolerant place for its time, despite its corrupt rulers and ultimate weakness before the invading armies of Aragon and Castile. Shortly after his birth, Spanish forces conquered Granada and soon started persecuting all non-Christians, forcing them to convert to Catholicism or flee, depriving them of their wealth in either case.   Though European history depicts Spain’s liberation from Muslim rule as a glorious event, it was a tragic blow for the Muslims who had lived there for centuries and built a prosperous, learned society.   As his uncle Khali, a wealthy diplomat, laments, â€Å"See how the people . . . have been forced into slavery after their surrender!   See how the Inquisition has raised pyres for the Jews . . . [and] for the Muslims as well!   How can we stop this, except by resistance, mobilization, and jihad?†Ã‚   (Maalouf, 1988, p. 25)   Though the word â€Å"jihad† today carries ominous meanings for Westerners, in this context it meant self-defense in the face of an intolerant enemy. The Spanish appear in a distinctly negative light, as bloodthirsty, vindictive conquerors who used the Inquisition to crush their enemies, real or perceived.   Maalouf offers in interesting inversion of Western opinion here, and he shows post-1492 Granada as a dark, dangerous place whose intellectual life is crushed.   Also, while modern readers think of Jews and Muslims as mortal enemies, Maalouf demonstrates that they enjoyed peaceful relations in medieval Andalusia, and Leo laments the Spanish edict mandating â€Å"the ‘formal termination of all relations between Christians and Jews, which can only be accomplished by the expulsion of all the Jews from our kingdom’† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 59). His uncle Khali assumes a dominant role in Leo’s life, helping educate him and, more importantly, taking him along on his 1504 diplomatic mission to Timbuktu, then an important Muslim cultural and commercial center in sub-Saharan West Africa.   Even as a teenager, he demonstrates keen insights to the world around him, particularly to the appearances, peoples, and attributes of the cities he visits en route.   For example, he describes Ain al-Asnam, an ancient city destroyed during Islam’s spread, as â€Å"sole witness of the age of ignorance† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 155), implying that despite its former glories, it symbolizes the dark era before Islam spread its enlightened message. In addition, he reveals a gift for vivid descriptive prose when he says of Sijilmassa, a once-thriving city on the road to Timbuktu: â€Å"Of its walls, once so high, only a few sections remain, half-ruined, and covered with grass and moss.   Of its population, there remain only various hostile clans . . . [who] seem merciless toward each other [and] deserve their fate† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 157).   Though he is not intolerant of peoples different from himself, he also does not shy from passing judgments on unfortunate places, though his own life is full of misfortunes; he accepts fate’s fickle nature, which perhaps sustains him through his difficulties. His uncle dies en route back to Fez and Leo returns home to work in a hospice and marry his cousin Fatima, who is far less pleasing than Hiba, the slave girl who becomes his longtime mistress (similar to Warda, the servant whom his father chose over his wife, Leo’s mother).   He also tries to save his sister Mariam from the leper colony, where an influential suitor, a highway robber named the Zarwali, had had her banished for refusing to marry him. One sees by this point that women have a difficult position in Muslim society; denied many rights, they live tightly circumscribed lives and are subject to male commands and whims at all times.   Maalouf does not impose modern sensibilities here; he remains within the character of the times and accepts this lack of freedom as Muslims of the time did, and Leo laments his sister’s fate less because she lacks freedom than because her punishment was unduly cruel. As he enters adulthood, his life continues a pattern of good fortune followed by personal or financial disasters from which he always recovers and rebuilds.   Leo becomes a successful merchant in Fez and fathers a daughter with Fatima, but when his longtime friend Harun (who has married his unfortunate sister Mariam to liberate her from the leper colony) causes the Zarwali’s death, Leo is expelled from Fez for his complicity and loses his fortune on the road to a band of thieves.   He finds some relief in Hiba’s native village, where her former peers buy her back from Leo, restoring some of his wealth but costing him the love of his life. He accepts these reversals surprisingly well by modern standards, but Maalouf implies that the late medieval/early modern world was a cruel and fickle place, with few certainties in life other than misfortune.   A common theme throughout the book is that such events are simply God’s will; when he loses both his fortune and Hiba, Leo laments, â€Å"Such is the judgment of the Most High!† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 214).   His faith does not waver throughout the story, even when Christians abduct, enslave, and force him to become a Catholic. Leo’s destiny seems to be the roads he travels throughout his adult life; his form of geography and travelogue seem to be his calling in life, and he demonstrates a keen grasp of how to describe people and places.   His travels take him throughout northern, western, and central Africa, and he states without obvious boasting, â€Å"When our geographers of old spoke of the land of the Blacks, they only mentioned Ghana and the oases of the Libyan desert. . . . I myself, who am only the last of the travellers, know the names of sixty black kingdoms . . . from the Niger to the Nile† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 216).   Such knowledge would later serve him well. He becomes involved with the era’s political intrigues when he meets and marries Nur, the widow of the Ottoman ruler’s nephew.   While Leo supports the Turks in the vain hope that they will liberate Andalusia from the Spanish and make it safe for Muslims again, Nur opposes it and fears that Turkish agents will murder her infant son to prevent him from assuming the throne.   Reflecting on the discord within his own faith, Leo asks, â€Å"Is it not in the blade of a knife brandished by the Friend of God above a pyre that the revealed religions meet?†Ã‚   (Maalouf, 1988, p. 245)   He longs for the tolerance and unity of his youth in Granada, hence his somewhat naà ¯ve support for the Ottoman Empire, of which he says, â€Å"the turbans of the Turks and the skull caps of the Christians and Jews mingle without hatred or resentment† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 258). His destiny as a geographer and scholar is realized when Sicilian pirates kidnap him in Tunisia and present him to Pope Leo X as a slave.   As with the rest of his life, this misfortune leads to another lucky phase, as the pontiff, impressed with Leo’s intellect, employs him as a protà ©gà ©.   Forcing him to become a Christian and renaming him John-Leo de Medici (for the pope and the family that takes an interest in him), the pope employs him as a teacher of Arabic while tutoring him in European languages, so that he can produce a volume of his travels, Description of Africa.   He earns his freedom but becomes embroiled in papal intrigues, so he must flee yet again – this time for Tunisia, where he can again be a Muslim.   In closing, he advises the reader to be himself in the face of adversity, saying, â€Å"Muslim, Jew or Christian, they must take you as you are, or lose you† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 360).   Though he has kept his Muslim faith inwardly i ntact, Leo’s ability to adapt has ironically saved and sustained him. The book illustrates the uncertainty of life in the pre-modern era, since peaks and valleys of instability mark Leo’s life from the beginning.   His family loses its fortune and is driven from Granada by conquering Spanish Christians, who then launch a wave of intolerance against Jews and Muslims, forcing them to either become Catholic or leave.   In addition, he loses his fortune to thieves, his wife Fatima dies young, he remarries Nur (who leaves him after his abduction), and he is enslaved by Christian pirates in the Mediterranean. He handles it philosophically, accepting the fact that his life is destined to be itinerant, turbulent, and beyond his ability to control.   As he tells Nur, â€Å"Between the Andalus which I left and the Paradise which is promised to me life is only a crossing.   I go nowhere, I desire nothing I cling to nothing, I have faith in my passion for living . . . as well as in Providence† (Maalouf, 1988, p. 261). Overall, Leo Africanus is a solid effort to take the modern reader into the mind of an educated, influential Muslim living at an unstable time in European history.   Maalouf does not inject modern sensibilities into his narrative but depicts the Muslim culture of the times fairly, without a pro-Western bias.   In addition, he strives for authenticity by using a sort of formal, occasionally wordy prose that one assumes is based on the actual writing and conversational style of Leo Africanus’ times.   In the process of producing this interesting historical figure’s tale, Maalouf also makes clear one of the chief realities of this era in history – that life is uncertain and fickle, and that the intelligent, resourceful, and adaptable are best suited to endure these shifts of fortune. REFERENCES Maalouf, A. (1988).   Leo Africanus.   Chicago: New Amsterdam Books. Maalouf – Leo Africanus Amin Maalouf’s novel Leo Africanus is a novel based on an actual sixteenth-century Spanish-born Muslim geographer and writer born under the name Hasan al-Wazzan.   The author gives the reader clear insights into the conflicts between the Muslim world (whose influence in Europe was then waning) and that of Christianity (which reasserted control over his native Spain and to which he became a somewhat unwilling servant). The theme of the title character’s life is conflict and misfortune, which seem to plague him from early childhood.   Born in 1488 to a rich Muslim family in Granada, Spain, he witnesses as a small child the Catholic victory over the ruling but weakened Muslim elites, followed by a wave of vengeance and intolerance against not only Muslims but also the Jews, who have also lived peacefully in Spain with Christians for centuries.   Hasan (the name he uses throughout his life, except when in service to the Pope) demonstrates some of this by mentioning how members of the different religions interact and how some cultural exchange occurs. For example, when discussing dates, he frequently refers to Christian and Muslim holidays in tandem, showing their mutual acceptance: â€Å"It all happened on the ninth day of the holy month of Ramadan, or, rather . . . on St. John’s Day, the twenty-fourth of June, since Mihrajan was celebrated not in accordance with the Muslim year but following the Christian calendar† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 63). Here, Maalouf makes clear that Islam was then the much more tolerant religion, accepting aspects of Judaism and Christianity that the Catholic Church refused to allow.   Because Christianity and Islam were fighting for territory, intolerance was an instrument of control and oppression, and the victorious Spaniards had to qualms about driving out or murdering Jews and Muslims who refused to accept forced conversions to Christianity. His family, deprived of its wealth, flees for the North African city of Fez, where they live as refugees under the care of his kindly uncle, who provides for his education.   As he comes of age, he shows a remarkable ability to observe and understand the peoples and places he encounters – a gift he sharpens when, as a teenager, he accompanies his rich, well-connected uncle on a diplomatic excursion to Timbuktu. For example, he writes of Sijilmassa, a once-thriving city on the road to Timbuktu: â€Å"Of its walls, once so high, only a few sections remain, half-ruined, and covered with grass and moss.   Of its population, there remain only various hostile clans . . . [who] seem merciless toward each other [and] deserve their fate† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 157).   Though he is not intolerant of peoples different from himself, he also does not shy from passing judgments on unfortunate or blighted places, though his own life is full of misfortunes; he accepts fate’s fickle nature, which perhaps sustains him through his difficulties. Hasan’s adult life is generally unstable and rife with misfortune, which seems to be the norm in a world where little other than hard luck is guaranteed.   After his uncle dies, he returns to Fez to work in a hospice for the sick and insane, marries a rather plain cousin (despite his long relationship with Hiba, a slave mistress), later becomes a prosperous merchant, and seems to live a somewhat conventional life.   However, he is not destined to enjoy a stable, uneventful life. When he starts his business career, his mother makes a prediction that seems to foreshadow the direction of his life: â€Å"Many men discover the whole world while seeking only to make their fortune.   But as for you, my son, you will stumble on your treasure as you seek to discover the world† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 187).   Indeed, fate – so strong a presence in the novel that it almost seems like a character – intervenes and his life is again turbulent.   When he becomes embroiled in his childhood friend (and brother-in-law) Harun’s plot to avenge his sister Mariam’s confinement to a leper colony, the authorities expel Hasan from Fez and thieves on the road rob him of his fortune.   In addition, he is forced to sacrifice his mistress, Hiba, in order to regain some of his riches. However, his destiny is to discover the world, which indeed is why modern readers even know of his existence.   Always astute and insightful, Hasan compiles his observations during his many travels, forming the basis for his lasting renown as an early geographer and expert on sub-Saharan Africa.   He travels throughout the continent’s northern and central regions and, when speaking of other writers’ ignorance of Africa, states, â€Å"I myself, who am only the last of the travellers, know the names of sixty black kingdoms . . . from the Niger to the Nile.   Some have never appeared in any book, but I would not be telling the truth if I would claim to have discovered them myself, since I only followed the ordinary route of the caravans† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 216). He moves to Cairo (then under Ottoman Turkish rule) to restart his often-disrupted life, commenting that â€Å"I was suddenly certain that after the tempest which had destroyed my fortune a new life was awaiting me in this land of Egypt, a life of passion, danger and honour† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 218).   Here, he again finds himself on the wrong side of destiny when he marries into the Turkish sultan’s family and supports them in their political maneuverings, in the vain hope that they will retake Granada in the name of Islam. He dreams his entire life of his birthplace and the words of a visiting delegation from the sultan foster the naà ¯ve faith that he can return: â€Å"A great Muslim empire is in the process of coming to life in the East, and we in the West should stretch out our hand to it.   Until now, we have been subjected to the law of the unbelievers† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 257).   However, this scheme also goes awry and he is enslaved by Italian pirates, who give him to Pope Leo X. This phase of Hasan’s life is a strange twist of fate, in which apparent tragedy turns into great luck.   The pontiff, seeing that the learned, sophisticated Hasan is no ordinary captive, employs him as a tutor of Arabic and requires him to learn Latin, Turkish, and lessons in the Christian faith.   Hasan deems this â€Å"a refined form of forced labour . . . [and] proof of [the Pope’s] own enthusiastic interest in me† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 294). The end result of this gentle captivity is Description of Africa, a book describing his many travels in a continent with which Europeans were still largely unfamiliar.   He wins his freedom but again finds himself on the wrong side of a larger political conflict (this time within the Catholic Church), so he escapes Rome for Tunisia, where he can openly practice Islam again.   In closing, he advises the reader to be himself in the face of adversity, saying, â€Å"Wherever you are, some will want to ask questions about your skin or your prayers.   Beware of gratifying their instincts . . . beware of bending before the multitude!† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 360).   Though he has kept his Muslim faith inwardly intact, his ability to adapt and â€Å"go with the flow† preserves him. Without dwelling on the point, Maalouf makes clear to the reader that in this unstable, uncertain medieval world, Fate plays an exceptionally strong role in everyday life.   Indeed, Hasan witnesses plenty of calamity in his life; his birthplace is seized and made repressive by Spanish Catholics; he and his family see their wealth rise and vanish repeatedly; he marries twice and loses both wives (the first dies young, while the second abandons him after his enslavement); and he is forced to seek his fortunes elsewhere several times in his life. He accepts the fact that he is meant to live on the move and takes little for granted, seemingly aware that his fortunes can be reversed at any time (and frequently are).   However, he never becomes embittered; he accepts his fate but laments, â€Å"Such is the judgment of the Most High† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 214).   His faith does not waver throughout the story, and even when Christians abduct him and force his conversion to Catholicism, he follows but keeps his innermost religious beliefs to himself.   He excels as a chameleon and thus survives. His second wife comments on his tendency to travel and disrupt his own life, asking, â€Å"What substance are you made of that you accept the loss of one town after another, one homeland after another, one woman after another, without ever fighting, without ever regretting, without ever looking back?†Ã‚   † (Maalouf, 1989, p. 261).   He responds by telling her that â€Å"life is only a crossing. I go nowhere, I desire nothing I cling to nothing, I have faith in my passion for living, in my instinct to search for happiness, as well as in Providence† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 261).   Indeed, in this exchange, Maalouf presents the reader with the essence of Hasan’s character.   He is well aware of life’s transience and thus is passionate only about his religion; though he seeks wealth and happiness, he wastes little time mourning the loss of either and looks ahead to â€Å"the final Place where no man is a stranger before the face of the Creator† (Maalouf, 1989, p. 360). Leo Africanus is more than simply a fictionalized memoir.   It is a classic fish-out-of-water story, illustrating how this educated, well-connected Muslim merchant, traveler, and scholar finds reverses and radical changes in his life at several turns but adapts to each.   In addition, it demonstrates how people of that era were very much at Fate’s mercy; little could be taken for granted in such unstable times, but the narrator never loses faith in the â€Å"Most High,† the God to whom he turns for sustenance. In somewhat formal prose that one suspects was the norm for educated people of that era, Maalouf does not impose a modern viewpoint but offers a fair, compassionate, historically-aware portrayal of both Muslim society and one of the more unusual figures within it.   The story of Hasan al-Wazzan is, more than anything else, the tale of an accomplished scholar and a consummate survivor who never forgot who he was, the culture that produced him, or the deity that showed him mercy amidst the world’s turbulence. REFERENCES Maalouf, A. (1989).   Leo Africanus.   Chicago: New Amsterdam Books.

Essay on Charles Darwins Theory of Evolution by Natural...

Charles Darwins theory of evolution centres on the idea that species compete to survive, and favorable characteristics are passed on from one generation to the next. Darwin said that evolution took place by a process of natural selection or survival of the fittest. This meant that the animals and plants best suited to their surroundings survived and were able to pass on their genes to their offspring. The ones that werent best suited died off and didnt get the chance to reproduce. Animals and plants had to change or evolve due to environmental pressures. Over millions of years the conditions on the Earth have changed tremendously, the environmental conditions we have now are very†¦show more content†¦Darwin noted four things from his observations: 1. All organisms produce an abundance of offspring, many more than is necessary 2. There is a fairly constant population size over time for any particular organism 3. Within a species there is a wide range of features, due to different alleles 4. Some variations are passed on and inherited by the offspring From these Darwin decided that all organisms struggle for survival and so have to produce many offspring to ensure that some do survive. He also concluded that for a species to survive, the best (or fittest) of them must survive long enough to reproduce and pass on their genes. It has three essential parts: It is possible for the DNA of an organism to occasionally change, or mutate. A mutation changes the DNA of an organism in a way that affects its offspring, either immediately or several generations down the line. The change brought about by a mutation is either beneficial, harmful or neutral. If the change is harmful, and then it is unlikely that the offspring will survive to reproduce, so the mutation dies out and goes nowhere. If the change is beneficial, then it is likely that the offspring will do better than other offspring and so will reproduce more. Through reproduction, the beneficial mutation spreads. The process of culling bad mutationsShow MoreRelatedCharles Darwins Theory of Evolution by Natural Selection Essay1027 Words   |  5 PagesDarwin is considered by other people as the creator of Evolution. Darwin was not the only man to arrive at the theory of evolution. Darwin came to his theory of evolution at the same time as an another man who goes by the name of Alfred Russell Wallace came to the same conclusion. Wallace being relatively unknown was not respected for having the same conclusion because the fact that people were so apt to listen to the theory’s of Cha rles Darwin. 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It is the one that is the most adaptable to change.† This